The current Supreme Court is so depressing. Now they've gone and
found that voluntary desegregation is unconstitutional. Further evidence that
precedent matters not to the newest members, notwithstanding their statements during confirmation that it did. Scott's
got a little legal analysis and will have more soon. What I'm going to talk about, instead, is what SCOTUSblog characterizes as the
Roberts opinion . . . discussed the lack of a compelling interest in achieving racial balance in public school classrooms.
Here is what Roberts actually says:
In upholding the admissions plan in Grutter, though, this Court relied upon considerations unique to institutions of higher education. . . . The Court in Grutter expressly articulated key limitations on its holding--defining a specific type of broad-based diversity and noting the unique context of higher education--but these limitations were largely disregarded by the lower courts in extending Grutter to uphold race-based assignments in elementary and secondary schools. The present cases are not governed by Grutter.
This is the most depressing thing I've read in a long, long time. It literally makes me feel like crying.
What Roberts is saying is that while Grutter found that racial diversity is important in *college*, it doesn't therefore follow that it's important in *K-12* classrooms. But the point of Grutter was that it's important in college
because diversity is an important part of education in a pluralistic society. Which is, if anything,
more important to K-12 education than it is to college, both because K-12 is universal (college, obvs., isn't) and because attitudes towards race and ethnicity are formed young; by college, such attitudes are already formed.
Which is presumably why Roberts, white guy that he is, can "reason" thusly:
race is not considered as part of a broader effort to achieve "exposure to widely diverse people, cultures, ideas, and viewpoints," ibid.; race, for some students, is determinative standing alone. The districts argue that other factors, such as student preferences, affect assignment decisions under their plans, but under each plan when race comes into play, it is decisive by itself. It is not simply one factor weighed with others in reaching a decision, as in Grutter; it is the factor. Like the University of Michigan undergraduate plan struck down in Gratz, 539 U. S., at 275, the plans here "do not provide for a meaningful individualized review of applicants" but instead rely on racial classifications in a "nonindividualized, mechanical" way. Id., at 276, 280 (O'Connor, J., concurring).
Even when it comes to race, the plans here employ only a limited notion of diversity, viewing race exclusively in white/nonwhite terms in Seattle and black/"other" terms in Jefferson County.
Believing that
Brown makes desegregation attempts like those in Seattle and Louisville unconstitutional, because they notice the existence of race, gets at a fundamental (and intellectually dishonest) move beloved of
social conservatives racists: the argument that the essence of anti-racism is pretending that race doesn't exist. This is an argument white folks really get into, because it absolves us of ourselves being racially marked ("white," folks, is indeed a racial category--in fact, it's *the* racial category, as I'll explain in a second) and also because it lets us believe that if we pretend to be race-blind, somehow we really are, both individually and as a society.
But it doesn't work that way. Racial categories *do* exist, regrettable as that may be. And they exist *because* of racism, specifically in order to define "whiteness" as "the unraced category, that which is fully human."
Lemme unpack a bit. I am not saying that the tendency to think in terms of "us" and "them" isn't "natural"--fwiw, I think it is. What I am saying is that the tendency to think in terms of "white" and "not white," or "black" or "Asian" or "Indian" or "Mexican" or "Hispanic"
is "unnatural"--that is to say, it's natural, and we do it,
because we've been taught to, because our "natural" tendency to think "us" and "them" has been used in the service of defining those categories
specifically in terms of skin color/hair color/continental origin.
So, for instance, we do *not* think of "people born in the United States" as "Americans" without some mental effort to overcome--to re-learn--a learned tendency to think of "Americans" as "white." We still teach kids to do this, by (for example) emphasizing "black history"--oops, the history of "African-Americans" (see what I mean?) in February, at which time we teach them that the *primary* characteristic of "black" people is that they've been discriminated against in the past and that they've fought to overcome that and now things are much better.
Which, you know, is a well-intentioned thing to do. Unfortunately, like so many other well-intentioned attempts to combat racism, what it *also* does is (subtly) teach kids about racial difference. And as a result of this, racial differences, specifically "black" and "white" differences, continue to exist.
Following the logic of the Roberts court, the proper answer to this is to stop teaching black history altogether--or, more charitably, to stop requiring schools to teach black history, which *in the absence of a more intelligent approach* will amount to the same thing. So, for instance, Roberts wrote: 1.
Seattle has never operated segregated schools--legally separate schools for students of different races
Okay. Let us concede (though I don't believe this to be true) that what Roberts *means* to say is that in a court of law, the only meaning "segregation" has is "explicit and legally enforced segregation"--as opposed to
de facto segregation. Nonetheless, that is not what he *does* say; what he says is that segregation = "legal separation." Even if we concede his apparent intention--particularly if we concede it--this is obvious question-begging; segregation is racial separation, period. And while we cannot do anything about segregation on the level of individuals (e.g., who one becomes friends with) we can, and
as a pluralistic nation that believes in equality and rejects racism, we should, do our damndest to make sure that our public institutions reject segregation and, if necessary, consciously act to desegregate.
Which, to get us back to the black history month example, is clearly what we need to do. Because even when we're acting with the best of intentions, we
still think in racial categories and we are
still passing that along to children, thereby perpetuating racism. Pretending that this is not the case
does not make it so. What we need is
more desegregation, not less--and we need it in
precisely the terms that Roberts (racial ignoramus that he obviously is) rejects as inadequate when he says
But under the Seattle plan, a school with 50 percent Asian-American students and 50 percent white students but no African-American, Native-American, or Latino students would qualify as balanced, while a school with 30 percent Asian-American, 25 percent African-American, 25 percent Latino, and 20 percent white students would not. It is hard to understand how a plan that could allow these results can be viewed as being concerned with achieving enrollment that is " 'broadly diverse,' " Grutter, supra, at 329.
Okay, Mr. Chief Justice, little ol' me will explain to you how this plan can be viewed as achieving broad diversity.
First: the schools you put forth as potentially existing--50% Asian vs. 30% Asian, etc--do. Not. Exist. In. Seattle. As your use of the subjunctive ("would") admits. They could, fairly easily, because Seattle has a huge Asian population and is otherwise mostly white, but right now they don't. *If* they did, that *might not be a problem*--because, being a hypothetical, its coming into being would depend on other changing circumstances that might, in theory, mean that racism as such really didn't exist in Seattle. So let's quit with hypotheticals and stick with the facts on the ground.
Second: look, dude. You yourself *clearly* recognize the existence of race; otherwise the categories you're using wouldn't *mean* anything. And the reason why Seattle defines race, for the purposes of desegregation, as "white/non-white," while Louisville defines it as "black/other", tell us everything we need to understand about how race and racism work. Seattle is in the Pacific Northwest, and it is a majority white city. While racism against blacks surely exists there, it is less pronounced--and ironically, given that the invention of race in America was all about slavery--less of an issue, historically, than racism against Indians and Asians. Nonetheless, because Seattle is part of the U.S. and because all American racism comes from slavery, there's also a problem with prejudice against blacks and Latinos (aka "illegal immigrants," in the U.S. imagination).
So, in Seattle, you've got "white" people (the majority) and "everyone else" as the operating racial categories. Whereas in Louisville--
Louisville, for god's sake--
obviously the operating racial categories are "black" and "not black." These are the terms
in which people think, which vary according to the specific histories of specific places, albeit all being inflected by our (imagined) identity as "Americans," to whom categories like "Asian-American," "African-American," "Hispanic/Latino," and "Indian"
mean something. In other parts of the world, people think racially in different terms: "Arab" vs. "Iranian," for instance (to us, they're the same), or "Sunni" and "Shiite" (which we're just barely starting to recognize as different categories, though we can't yet label individuals), or "Hindu" and "Muslim" (which to us are religious labels, rather than racial ones--they're all "Indians" or "Pakis," as far as we're concerned).
And that is why we need more, not less, desegregation--and why the Roberts court is flat out wrong when it says
We have emphasized that the harm being remedied by mandatory desegregation plans is the harm that is traceable to segregation, and that "the Constitution is not violated by racial imbalance in the schools, without more."
The harm that is traceable to segregation
includes our ability to use labels like "Asian-American", which clearly signifies that "American" means "not Asian-looking." And that harm does come from "racial imbalance in the schools"--the phrase "without more" is meaningless--because, at this moment in history, we still have "black history month" during which we teach that "black history" is all about racism, Jim Crow, and MLK. Rather than recognizing that *American* history includes these things *as well as*
- white abolitionists, the 18th-century argument over slavery, and the legal invention of "black" and "white" as meaningful categories (anyone who's been confused or inclined to argue with my contentions throughout this post that "white" is the central racialized term in American history, you can chalk your not knowing what I'm talking about up to the racist education you received);
- jazz music, Bugs Bunny, and pb&j (all defining "American" markers; all African in origin--again, if you don't know why, thank your racist education).
Those are just two examples; if I weren't white my own damn self, and partly as a consequence well-educated in racism, I could surely come up with a hundred others off the top of my head. Instead, I've spent a lot of my adult life trying, slowly and painstakingly, to try to learn *just a little bit* about the ways being white categorizes me racially, and trying to teach my own kid about differences between people in ways that simultaneously alert him to the reality that race exists and try to make it an intellectual concept to him, rather than a "natural" one.
And one of the best ways to do this--the one that helped me, to the extent that I'm slightly less racist than average--is
going to school with other kids who were different than me specifically because of their race. Not because doing so is a good kumbaya moment, or because it looks good in the yearbook pictures, but because people who are of the same social class, who live on the same street even, but are racially different in the terms of their local/national community, will, for that reason alone, be treated differently, be aware of subtle differences in culture--and learning that will teach kids that yes, race does matter--
as well as being substantively similar in many other ways--which will teach them that it doesn't.
That's the problem with race in America. It matters, and it doesn't. Recognizing the latter while failing to recognize (or rather, pretending not to recognize) the former is wrong on the facts.
And if Roberts weren't so damn white, he'd realize that.*
*See, for instance, Thomas's comments, which are *much* more careful about defining segregation and much more explicit about relying both on a *narrow* interpretation of precedent and the particular--and only compelling--argument that race-based attempts at desegregation feed racism by causing white resentment. You can read the Justices' comments
here.
Labels: race, schooling, the law